{"id":11899,"date":"2016-10-27T18:00:50","date_gmt":"2016-10-27T15:00:50","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/candname.com\/?p=11899"},"modified":"2016-10-24T09:08:09","modified_gmt":"2016-10-24T06:08:09","slug":"kurt-nufusu-ve-kurdistan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/?p=11899","title":{"rendered":"K\u00fcrt N\u00fcfusu ve K\u00fcrdistan"},"content":{"rendered":"<div id=\"singleBlock\" class=\"noads\">\n<div class=\"thumbBlock\">\n<div class=\"share\"><\/div>\n<p>K\u00fcrtler, birka\u00e7 bin y\u0131ldan beri K\u00fcrdistan olarak tan\u0131nan etnik topraklarda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin soyu, \u00e7o\u011funlukla, ikinci bin y\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda Orta Asya\u2019dan \u0130ran platosuna gelen bir kabile olan Medler\u2019e dayand\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Medler, M.\u00d6. 550\u2019de y\u0131k\u0131lmadan \u00f6nce 612\u2019de b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline geldiler ve imparatorluklar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015f bir alana yayd\u0131lar.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div id=\"singleContent\" class=\"reading\">\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>\u201cKardaka\u201d, \u201cKurti\u201d ve \u201cGuti\u201d olarak s\u00f6z edilen insanlar M.\u00d6. 11. y\u00fczy\u0131l erken Asur yaz\u0131tlar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi M.\u00d6. 2000 tarihli S\u00fcmer yaz\u0131tlar\u0131nda da an\u0131lmaktad\u0131rlar.[2] Grek tarih\u00e7isi Xenophon M.\u00d6. 401 tarihli Anabasis adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda, Mezopotamya\u2019dan Karadeniz\u2019e y\u00fcr\u00fcyen \u201cOnbin Grekler\u201di usand\u0131ran Kardoki veya Kardoka halk\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmektedir.[3] Pek \u00e7ok bilim adam\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin sayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z antik gruplar\u0131n baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ya da t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn bir kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011funa inanmaktad\u0131r: Kassitler, Manneanlar, Gutiler, Medler ve Kardokiler.[4] K\u00fcrt s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc modern \u015fekliyle, 9. y\u00fczy\u0131l Arap kaynaklar\u0131nda \u00e7o\u011ful hali olan Akrad olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.[5]K\u00fcrtlerin, kuzeydeki Kafkas halk\u0131 ve en erken zamanlarda aslen Hazar Denizi\u2019nin bat\u0131s\u0131ndaki da\u011fl\u0131k b\u00f6lgelerde yerle\u015fik halk da dahil olmak \u00fczere de\u011fi\u015fik antik gruplar\u0131n torunlar\u0131 olduklar\u0131 san\u0131lmaktad\u0131rlar. Bu b\u00f6lgelerin orta kesimi Zagros s\u0131rada\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n her iki yan\u0131nda uzan\u0131r ve g\u00fcneye ve bat\u0131ya do\u011fru, A\u015fa\u011f\u0131 Anadolu \u00fczerinden Suriye ve Irak\u2019\u0131n da\u011fl\u0131k b\u00f6lgelerine yay\u0131l\u0131r.[6]\n<p>K\u00fcrt dili Hint\u2013Avrupa dil ailesine dahildir ve \u0130ran dilleri grubunun bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Bununla birlikte, K\u00fcrt dili k\u00f6kleri ve formlar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir dildir.[7] K\u00fcrt\u00e7e leh\u00e7eler iki ana gruba ayr\u0131l\u0131r: Kurmanci denilen kuzey leh\u00e7esi ve Sorani denilen g\u00fcney leh\u00e7esi.[8] Buna kar\u015f\u0131n Martin van Bruinessen\u2019e g\u00f6re a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki alt gruplara ayr\u0131labilecek \u00e7ok say\u0131da de\u011fi\u015fik leh\u00e7e bulunmaktad\u0131r:<\/p>\n<p><strong>1. Kuzey\/kuzeybat\u0131 leh\u00e7eleri, veya Kurmanci;<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>2. G\u00fcney Kurmancisi veya Sorani denilen g\u00fcney leh\u00e7eleri; ve<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>3. Sinei\u2019nin g\u00fcneydo\u011fu leh\u00e7eleri, Kerman\u015fahi ve Leki<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Sorani leh\u00e7esi Arap\u00e7a yaz\u0131n\u0131n uyarlanm\u0131\u015f bir \u015feklini kullanarak yaz\u0131l\u0131 K\u00fcrt dilini geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrt yaz\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu Sorani leh\u00e7esiyle yaz\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Arap\u00e7a harfler \u0130ran ve Irak\u2019daki, Latin harfler T\u00fcrkiye; ve kiril harfleri eski Sovyetler Birli\u011fi K\u00fcrleri taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Dil meselesi, genel ve standart bir dil olu\u015fturman\u0131n \u00f6nemine vurgu yapan K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir ilgi konusu olmu\u015ftur. K\u00fcrtler ulusal haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in verdikleri m\u00fccadelelerinde ve bir ulus olarak ay\u0131rt edilmelerinde K\u00fcrt\u00e7e\u2019nin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir role sahip oldu\u011funun fark\u0131ndad\u0131rlar. K\u00fcrt dili K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin hem kan\u0131t\u0131 hem de farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sembol\u00fcd\u00fcr.[11] K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 payla\u015fm\u0131\u015f olan \u00fclkelerin h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri K\u00fcrt\u00e7e\u2019nin K\u00fcrt kimli\u011fi i\u00e7in \u00f6nemi konusunda daima uyan\u0131k olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Bu nedenle, kamu ya\u015fam\u0131nda ve okullarda K\u00fcrt\u00e7e\u2019nin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin geleneksel olarak az \u00e7ok toleransl\u0131 davranm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu Irak hari\u00e7, h\u00fck\u00fcmetler K\u00fcrt\u00e7e\u2019yi ya yasaklam\u0131\u015f ya da kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 engellemi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00fcrt dilindeki leh\u00e7e farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtleri asimile etmeye y\u00f6nelik politikalar standart bir lingua franca\u2019n\u0131n (ortak dil \u00e7.n.) olu\u015fumunu engellemi\u015ftir.[12] K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fulan b\u00f6lgelerin de\u011fi\u015fik y\u00f6relerinde farkl\u0131 alfabelerin kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 kimlik s\u00fcreci \u00fczerinde olumsuz bir etkiye sahip olmu\u015ftur.[13] Da\u011fl\u0131k bir b\u00f6lge olan K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki ileti\u015fim yetersizli\u011fi, K\u00fcrt dilinin bir\u00e7ok leh\u00e7eye ayr\u0131lmas\u0131nda etkili olmu\u015ftur. Ayr\u0131ca K\u00fcrtler olas\u0131 bir ortak literat\u00fcr\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131labilecek olan politik birlikteli\u011fi de hi\u00e7 benimsememi\u015flerdir.[14] K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n birka\u00e7 \u00fclke taraf\u0131ndan b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131, kom\u015fu halklar\u0131n egemen dillerinin etkileri, ve K\u00fcrtlerin dillerini geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 imkanlara sahip olmas\u0131, standart bir lingua franca\u2019n\u0131n geli\u015fimini engelleyen di\u011fer fakt\u00f6rlerdir. Her ne kadar sonu\u00e7 vermemi\u015fse de, bir tek standart K\u00fcrt\u00e7e olu\u015fturma y\u00f6n\u00fcnde pek \u00e7ok giri\u015fim olmu\u015ftur.[15]\n<p>K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in kesin bir n\u00fcfus vermek g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. De\u011fi\u015fik kaynaklar de\u011fi\u015fik rakamlar vermi\u015ftir. Mehrdad \u0130zadi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131daki tabloda 1990 y\u0131l\u0131 i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusu hakk\u0131ndaki genel de\u011ferlendirmesini \u00f6zetlemektedir.[16]\n<p>1990\u2019da K\u00fcrt N\u00fcfusu<\/p>\n<p>\u00dclke Toplam N\u00fcfus Toplam K\u00fcrt K\u00fcrtler<\/p>\n<p>(milyon) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 (milyon) \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 %<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye 56.7 \u00a0\u00a0<strong>13.7<\/strong>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<strong>%<\/strong> 24.1<\/p>\n<p>\u0130ran 55.6 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0<strong>6.6 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 %<\/strong> 12.4<\/p>\n<p>Irak 18.8 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 4<strong>.4<\/strong>\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0%23.5<\/p>\n<p>Suriye 12.6 \u00a0 \u00a0<strong> 1.3<\/strong> \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0%9.2<\/p>\n<p>Sovyet Cumhuriyetleri <strong>0.3<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Toplam <strong>26.3<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Kaynak: \u0130zadi, 1992, s. 119.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, L\u00fcbnan\u2019da ve genel olarak Bat\u0131 \u00fclkelerinde s\u00fcrg\u00fcn ya\u015fayan g\u00f6rece \u00e7ok say\u0131da K\u00fcrt de dikkate al\u0131nmal\u0131d\u0131r.[17] Bundan ba\u015fka, merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 say\u0131mlar\u0131n hem nadir ve yetersiz olmas\u0131 hem de kas\u0131tl\u0131 olarak K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusunu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck g\u00f6stermeleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden K\u00fcrtlerin kesin say\u0131s\u0131 hakk\u0131nda do\u011fru bilgi edinmek g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. K\u00fcrt dilinin kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n 1924\u2019ten beri yasalarla engellendi\u011fi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de, bu sorun daha da karma\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r.[18] T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de K\u00fcrtler 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda resmi olarak \u201cDa\u011f T\u00fcrkleri\u201d olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>K\u00fcrtlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkelerin rejimleri K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusunu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck g\u00f6stermeye y\u00f6nelirken, kimi K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131lar\u0131 da K\u00fcrtlerin siyasal \u00f6nemini vurgulama \u00e7abas\u0131yla bunu y\u00fcksek g\u00f6stermeye y\u00f6neldiler.[19] 1940\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda K\u00fcrtlerin say\u0131s\u0131 \u0130ran\u2019da 1,700,000, Irak\u2019ta 900,000, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 3,400,000 ve Suriye\u2019de 260,000 idi.[20]\nK\u00fcrtler aras\u0131nda ba\u015fl\u0131ca din \u0130slam\u2019d\u0131r ve \u00e7o\u011fu S\u00fcnn\u00ee M\u00fcsl\u00fcman\u2019d\u0131r.[21] Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, Kerman\u015fah ve Xaniq\u00een b\u00f6lgesindeki K\u00fcrtlerin \u00e7o\u011fu \u015eii\u2019dir ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de alevi K\u00fcrtler vard\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131ndaki temel gayri-m\u00fcslim topluluk Yezidiler\u2019dir.[22] K\u00fcrtler VII. ve IX. yy aras\u0131nda \u0130slamiyet\u2019i benimsemezden \u00f6nce b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda, ate\u015fi safl\u0131\u011f\u0131n sembol\u00fc olarak kabul eden bir din olan Zerd\u00fc\u015ftl\u00fc\u011fe ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131lar.[23]\n<p>K\u00fclt\u00fcr a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran, Irak ve Suriye H\u00fck\u00fcmetleri \u0130slam\u2019\u0131 resmi devlet dini olarak kabul ettiklerinden, \u0130slam bir bak\u0131ma K\u00fcrt ulusal kimli\u011finin geli\u015fmesinde olumsuz bir fakt\u00f6r olmu\u015ftur. B\u00f6ylece, K\u00fcrtler i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmak daha da g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Bir bilim adam\u0131, \u0130ran\u2019da \u0130slam Devrimi\u2019nin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesinden sonra din birli\u011finin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel asimilasyon (ak\u00fclt\u00fcrasyon) i\u00e7in bir kanal g\u00f6revi g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirtmektedir. Ayetullah Humeyni\u2019ye g\u00f6re, etno-ulusalc\u0131l\u0131k ve etnik farkl\u0131l\u0131klardan kaynaklanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar, daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ama\u00e7 olan M\u00fcsl\u00fcman birli\u011fine ula\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ortadan kalkacak olan ikincil meselelerdi.[24] \u00d6te yandan, K\u00fcrtlerin ezici \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun m\u00fcsl\u00fcman oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutulursa, din b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil daha \u00e7ok birle\u015ftirici bir fakt\u00f6r etkisi yapar.[25]\n<p>K\u00fcrtlerin sosyal ve politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinin do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya koymak g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr.[26] Kimi g\u00f6zlemciler \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme tarz\u0131n\u0131 a\u015firetsel olarak nitelendirmi\u015ftir.[27] Fakat bu tan\u0131m K\u00fcrtlerin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 basitle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc vermektedir. Her ne kadar k\u0131rsal b\u00f6lgelerde, \u00f6zellikle de uzak ve izole y\u00f6relerde,[28] a\u015firetsel yap\u0131 ger\u00e7ekten yayg\u0131n ise de, ayn\u0131 zamanda hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r bir kentli n\u00fcfus da bulunmaktad\u0131r. 1940\u2019larda sadece %13 dolay\u0131nda olsa da, bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrtlerin %35\u2019ten fazlas\u0131 kentlerde ve kasabalarda ya\u015famaktad\u0131r.[29]\n<p>Bir\u00e7ok g\u00f6zlemcinin izlenimlerinin aksine, K\u00fcrtlerin sadece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir kesimi g\u00f6\u00e7ebedir.[30]K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da uzun zamand\u0131r a\u015firet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zme (detribalizasyon) s\u00fcreci geli\u015ftirilmektedir, ve bu olgu \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyal, ekonomik ve politik fakt\u00f6rden kaynaklanmaktad\u0131r. Yar\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7ebe ve k\u0131rsal ya\u015fam tarz\u0131 azald\u0131k\u00e7a K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131nda a\u015firetsel yap\u0131 da yava\u015f yava\u015f \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.[31]\n<p>K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131nda \u015fehirle\u015fme, K\u00fcrt kimli\u011finin ve ulusalc\u0131 bilincin geli\u015fmesinde belirleyici olmu\u015ftur. Geleneksel a\u015firet-egemen sistem eski ve gerici olarak nitelendirildi\u011finden, bu yeni s\u00fcre\u00e7 ayn\u0131 zamanda yeni reformcu veya radikal doktrinlerin de geli\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Bilim adamlar\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131n, son y\u0131llarda bile, hala a\u015firet etraf\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrmektedirler. Neriman Yalda, K\u00fcrt k\u00f6yl\u00fclerinin ne ekonomik geli\u015fmeye ne de \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n veya toplumsal ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geleneksel kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye yarayan ileri ileti\u015fim y\u00f6ntemlerine sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmi\u015ftir.[32] K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da ekonomik geli\u015fimin yava\u015f seyretmesi \u00e7o\u011fu zaman T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran, Irak ve Suriye\u2019deki merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgelerine kas\u0131tl\u0131 olarak az sermaye aktarmalar\u0131na dayand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[33] Bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131, K\u00fcrt bireylerinin K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131 elitine ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 meselesiyle ili\u015fkilendiren Mehrdad \u0130zadi, aile-klan liderlerinin hala y\u00fcksek sadakatten ho\u015fland\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[34]\n<p>K\u00fcrdistan d\u00f6rt Ortado\u011fu \u00fclkesi; T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran , Irak ve Suriye ile iki eski Sovyet cumhuriyeti; Azerbaycan ve Ermenistan aras\u0131nda payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[35] K\u00fcrdistan, Ararat Da\u011f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kuzeydo\u011fusundan g\u00fcneye do\u011fru Zagros\u2019un g\u00fcney b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne ve \u0130ran\u2019da Pi\u015fkut\u2019a uzanan bir yay; bu yay\u0131n bat\u0131ya do\u011fru uzanarak Irak\u2019ta Musul\u2019a, buradan T\u00fcrk liman\u0131 \u0130skenderun\u2019a devam etti\u011fi, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7inde Erzurum istikametinde kuzeydo\u011fuya yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, ve Erzurum\u2019dan do\u011fuya Ararat Da\u011f\u0131\u2019na vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir b\u00f6lge olarak tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[36] K\u00fcrt topraklar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda Ermenistan\u2019\u0131n ve Azerbaycan\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7ine uzan\u0131r.[37] Bu co\u011frafi kroki g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutuldu\u011funda a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n yasal veya uluslararas\u0131 alanda kabul edilmi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 bulunmamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Y\u00fczy\u0131llar boyunca ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler de\u011fi\u015fik K\u00fcrdistan par\u00e7alar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klarda bir art\u0131\u015f yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ise K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusu aras\u0131ndaki b\u00f6l\u00fck-p\u00f6r\u00e7\u00fckl\u00fckte \u00f6nemli rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, K\u00fcrtler s\u00f6z edilen devletlerin s\u0131n\u0131r b\u00f6lgelerinde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 halde s\u0131k s\u0131k bu devletlerin politik veya askeri \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine \u00e7ekilmi\u015f, asimilasyona maruz kalm\u0131\u015f ve entegrasyona zorlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, Mehrdad \u0130zadi\u2019nin deyimiyle K\u00fcrtler \u201casimilasyona ve yok edilmeye inatla direnen canl\u0131 bir ulustur\u201d.[38]\n<p>K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgesinin ana par\u00e7as\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7inde yer al\u0131r ve t\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fclkenin do\u011fu veya g\u00fcneydo\u011fusunda olmak \u00fczere 17 vilayeti kapsar. Suriye\u2019de K\u00fcrtlerin \u00e7o\u011fu \u00fclkenin kuzey ve kuzeydo\u011fu b\u00f6lgesinde ya\u015far ve genelde Suriye\u2019deki K\u00fcrt faaliyetlerinin odak noktas\u0131 olan Qami\u015flo\u2019da yo\u011funla\u015f\u0131rlar. Di\u011fer K\u00fcrtler, \u00f6nemli bir K\u00fcrt merkezi olan Afrin\u2019de, Halep vilayetinde ve Cebel-el Ekrad\u2019da (K\u00fcrt Da\u011f\u0131) yerle\u015fiktir.[39] Eski SSCB\u2019de K\u00fcrtler esas olarak Ermenistan ve Azerbaycan\u2019da bulunurdu. Irak\u2019ta K\u00fcrtler temelde d\u00f6rt K\u00fcrt kenti olan S\u00fcleymaniye, Erbil, Kerk\u00fck ve Duhok\u2019ta ya\u015farlar. Xaniqin, Mandali ve Sincar kentlerinde ise K\u00fcrtler n\u00fcfusun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu te\u015fkil ederler. Irak\u2019\u0131n di\u011fer birka\u00e7 kentinde de \u00f6nemli bir K\u00fcrt yo\u011funlu\u011fu bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>\u0130ran\u2019da K\u00fcrtler, Bat\u0131 Azerbaycan, Senendaj (resmen K\u00fcrdistan olarak adland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r), Kerman\u015fah ve \u0130lam olmak \u00fczere d\u00f6rt vilayete da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[40]\n<p>Jeopolitik bak\u0131mdan K\u00fcrdistan; Bizans, Osmanl\u0131 ve Pers \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu gibi imparatorluklar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131r b\u00f6lgelerinde yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen \u0130ngiliz ve Frans\u0131z i\u015fgalleri Suriye ve Irak\u2019\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 imparatorlu\u011fundan ay\u0131rd\u0131 ve olu\u015fan devletleraras\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlar geride be\u015f par\u00e7aya ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir K\u00fcrdistan b\u0131rakt\u0131. K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n eski SSCB\u2019ye yak\u0131n olmas\u0131, K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgesinin d\u00f6rt Ortado\u011fu \u00fclkesi aras\u0131nda geni\u015f ve stratejik bak\u0131mdan ya\u015famsal bir alan olmas\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fiyle birle\u015ferek K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7e\u015fitli b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler i\u00e7in bir ilgi oda\u011f\u0131 haline getirmi\u015ftir.<br \/>\nK\u00fcrdistan\u2019da ham petrol\u00fcn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda uluslararas\u0131 petrol \u015firketlerinin de ilgisini \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019nda Kerk\u00fck ve Xaniqin, \u0130ran K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019nda Kerman\u015fah ve T\u00fcrkiye K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019nda Siirt b\u00f6lgelerinde b\u00fcy\u00fck petrol kaynaklar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir.[41]\n<p><strong>OSMANLI \u0130MPARATORLU\u011eU\u2019NDA K\u00dcRTLER<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f K\u00fcrt tarihinin Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda genel bir uzla\u015fma vard\u0131r. K\u00fcrtler bu imparatorlu\u011fun do\u011fu\u015fundan itibaren Safevi (Pers) \u0130mparatorlu\u011fuyla s\u00fcregiden sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda kendi politik \u00f6nemlerinin fark\u0131ndayd\u0131lar.[42] Safevi hanedan\u0131 16 yy.da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgeleri \u00fczerinde etkinlik ve egemenlik konusunda Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fuyla rekabet i\u00e7ine girdi. K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusu b\u00f6ylece bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n temel unsuru oldu. K\u00fcrdistan jeopolitik a\u00e7\u0131dan, bir yandan bir sava\u015f alan\u0131 olurken ayn\u0131 zamanda bu iki g\u00fc\u00e7 aras\u0131nda tampon b\u00f6lge i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Bu ger\u00e7ek, K\u00fcrtlerin tarihsel olaylardaki rollerinin fark\u0131na varmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. K\u00fcrtler, daha sonra Osmanl\u0131 sultanlar\u0131nca tan\u0131nan ve K\u00fcrt Bitlis Prensince[43] kurulmu\u015f olan cordon sanitaire\u2019a (g\u00fcvenlik ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7.n.) uygun olarak \u201cyar\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u201d prensliklerini[44]zaten kurmu\u015flard\u0131. Bu prensliklerin \u00e7o\u011fu geli\u015fimini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc ve 19. yy.a de\u011fin ya\u015fad\u0131. Osmanl\u0131lar K\u00fcrt prensliklerinin yar\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z stat\u00fclerini korurken, b\u00fcy\u00fck ihtimalle bu prenslikleri kendileri ile Safevi \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu aras\u0131nda tampon b\u00f6lge olarak g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar.<br \/>\nG\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u0131n\u0131r d\u00fczenlemesi (T\u00fcrkiye-\u0130ran ve \u0130ran-Irak) 1639\u2019da bu imparatorluklar aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan bir anla\u015fmayla belirlendi. K\u00fcrdistan b\u00f6ylece ilk kez iki par\u00e7aya b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc.<\/p>\n<p>19. yy.\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131 boyunca Osmanl\u0131 sultanlar\u0131 siyaseti daha da merkezile\u015ftirmeye \u00e7abalad\u0131lar. Bu \u00f6nlem K\u00fcrt prenslikleri taraf\u0131ndan \u015fiddetli bir muhalefetle kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131.[45] Muhammed Pa\u015fa Rewandiz olarak tan\u0131nan Soran prensi, 1830larda K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc birle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ysa da Osmanl\u0131 sultan\u0131n\u0131n ordusu taraf\u0131ndan yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131ld\u0131.[46] Di\u011fer prenslikler de benzer \u015fekilde yenildi.<\/p>\n<p><strong>K\u00dcRT ULUSALCILI\u011eI<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Etno-ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fimi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ortak bir dil, soy, din ve tarihsel ge\u00e7mi\u015fin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ili\u015fkilidir.[47] K\u00fcrtler, kendi dil, etnik birlik, ortak duygu ve de\u011ferleri ve ortak tarihsel ge\u00e7mi\u015fleriyle, temelde homojen bir etnik grup olu\u015ftururlar. K\u00fcrtlerin; Asur, Pers, Grek, Roma, Arap, Mo\u011fol ve T\u00fcrk imparatorluklar\u0131ndan daha uzun ya\u015fayarak \u00fc\u00e7 bin y\u0131ld\u0131r bug\u00fcnk\u00fc yerlerinde var olagelen bir ulus olduklar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir.[48]\n<p>Bilim adamlar\u0131 K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f zaman ve ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00fczerinde derin bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7indedirler. \u00c7o\u011fu, 1840larda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmi\u015ftir.[49] Bedirxan 1843-1847 aras\u0131nda Osmanl\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 bir ayaklanmaya liderlik etti. Daha sonralar\u0131 bu ayaklanman\u0131n, amac\u0131 t\u00fcm K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 kapsayan bir ulusal devlet kurmak olan ve politik bir hareketin i\u015faretlerini veren, modern anlamda[50] ulusalc\u0131 bir hareket oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.[51]\n<p>19. yy.daki K\u00fcrt ayaklanmalar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle de 1843-1847 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Bedirxan ve 1880-1881 y\u0131llar\u0131nda da \u015e\u00eax Ubeydullah Nehr\u00ee\u2019nin y\u00f6netti\u011fi ayaklanmalar\u0131n K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlayan unsurlar i\u00e7erdi\u011fi do\u011frudur. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, bu ayaklanmalar\u0131n etkisi genelde lokal olay d\u00fczeyindeydi ve sadece K\u00fcrtlerin vergilerden ve askerlikten muaf tutulmas\u0131, mu\u011flak k\u00fclt\u00fcrel talepler ve K\u00fcrt memurlar taraf\u0131ndan yerel \u00f6z-y\u00f6netime izin verilmesi gibi s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 y\u00f6netsel reform talepleri i\u00e7eriyordu. Bununla birlikte, bu ayaklanmalar; kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015finde ko\u015fan veya a\u015firetlerinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri \u015feyleri korumak i\u00e7in K\u00fcrtlerin ulusalc\u0131 duygular\u0131n\u0131 kasten s\u00f6m\u00fcren dini liderler ve\/veya a\u015firet liderleri taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi.[52] C.J.Edmonds, ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlukla belli liderlerin h\u0131rslar\u0131n\u0131 veya a\u015firet insanlar\u0131n\u0131n herhangi bir t\u00fcrden emir ve otoriteye olan tahamm\u00fcls\u00fczl\u00fcklerini perdelemek amac\u0131yla kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrmektedir.[53] 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyuca ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen K\u00fcrt isyanlar\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fik toplumsal katmanlar\u0131n birbirinden farkl\u0131 ve \u00e7o\u011funlukla birbiriyle ba\u011fda\u015fmayan taleplerini i\u00e7eriyordu. Bu, en az bir ortak mezhebin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumunda, etnik \u00e7eli\u015fkinin de\u011fi\u015fik insanlar\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irme kapasitesinin daha \u00e7ok oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011finden kaynaklan\u0131yor olabilir.[54]\n<p>Bir di\u011fer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ekol\u00fcne g\u00f6re, K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 19. yy.\u2019\u0131n sonlar\u0131 ile 20. yy.\u2019\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u015fekillenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131.[55] 19. Yy.\u2019\u0131n sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru, Kurdistan[56] ad\u0131ndaki ilk K\u00fcrt gazetesi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Gazete ilk olarak Kahire\u2019de \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131 ve Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun K\u00fcrtler\u2019e y\u00f6nelik politikas\u0131na sald\u0131rd\u0131. Gazetenin K\u00fcrt edebiyat\u0131na da \u00f6zel bir ilgisi vard\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtler\u2019in ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini peki\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u015fey yapt\u0131.[57] Yine de, K\u00fcrtler Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu i\u00e7inde ya\u015fayan di\u011fer etno-ulusal gruplara k\u0131yasla, kendilerine ait bir gazeteyi olduk\u00e7a ge\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131lar. 1908\u2019de T\u00fcrk \u0130ttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti\u2019nin \u00f6nderlik etti\u011fi yap\u0131sal devrimin (J\u00f6nt\u00fcrk devrimi) olumlu etkileri de belirtilmelidir. Devrimin Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu i\u00e7indeki etnik az\u0131nl\u0131klar \u00fczerindeki g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc etkisi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131:[58] J\u00f6nt\u00fcrkler, t\u00fcm ulusal az\u0131nl\u0131klar i\u00e7in \u0131rklar aras\u0131 e\u015fitli\u011fin garanti alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ilan ediyorlard\u0131. \u0130ktidara gelmelerinin ard\u0131ndan, az\u0131nl\u0131klar aras\u0131nda, kendi ulusal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerini ama\u00e7layan politik bir hareketlenme ba\u015flad\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtler de kendi ulusal \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini bu yeni politik atmosfer i\u00e7inde kurdular.[59] K\u00fcrt edebi topluluklar\u0131 kuruldu ve s\u00fcreli yay\u0131nlar, antolojiler vs. yay\u0131nland\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Modern K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fimi \u00fczerinde bariz etkisi olan bu politik atmosfer, \u00e7ok uzun s\u00fcrmedi. J\u00f6nt\u00fcrkler, vaatlerinin aksine, bir Pan-T\u00fcrkizm politikas\u0131 g\u00fctmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar.[60] Bu geli\u015fmelerin \u00f6nemi, K\u00fcrt ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n ve kentli unsurlar\u0131n ilk kez K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131 hareketinin liderli\u011fini etkileyebilmeleriydi. Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun kensel alanlar\u0131ndaki Bat\u0131 etkisinin bir sonucu olan ulusalc\u0131l\u0131ktan etkilenen e\u011fitimli K\u00fcrt n\u00fcvesi kendi at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 yapmak \u00fczere ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ABD ba\u015fkan\u0131 Woodrow Wilson, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini \u00f6zg\u00fcrce tayin edebilme hakk\u0131na sahip olmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren ond\u00f6rt maddeyi kamuoyuna sundu.[61]Britanya ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Lloyd George, sava\u015ftan sonraki bar\u0131\u015f konferans\u0131n\u0131n, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerdeki yerli halklar\u0131n beklenti ve kayg\u0131lar\u0131na de\u011finmesi gerekti\u011fini ve bu gruplara self-determinasyon hakk\u0131n\u0131n uygun oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc.[62] Wilson\u2019un ond\u00f6rt maddesi Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019ndaki az\u0131nl\u0131klar \u00f6zellikle de K\u00fcrtler taraf\u0131ndan sevin\u00e7le kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131. 5. ve 12. maddeler kendileri i\u00e7in \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nemliydi. Madde 5, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler hakk\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar i\u00e7in adil ve samimi bir uzla\u015fmadan bahsediyordu. Madde 12\u2019ye g\u00f6re ise, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu i\u00e7indeki az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z geli\u015fme f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 garanti alt\u0131na al\u0131nmal\u0131yd\u0131.[63] Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun par\u00e7alanmas\u0131, bir anda ulusal az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n isteklerini canland\u0131ran bir iktidar bo\u015flu\u011fu yaratt\u0131. Par\u00e7alanmay\u0131, da\u011f\u0131lan imparatorluk i\u00e7mdeki az\u0131nl\u0131klara \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulma \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7eren bir bar\u0131\u015f anla\u015fmas\u0131 takip etti.[64] Fakat, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesinin etkisi K\u00fcrtler, Ermeniler ve Araplar aras\u0131nda ayn\u0131 etkiyi uyand\u0131rm\u0131yordu.[65] Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 -art\u0131k yeni ulusal kimlikler varoldu\u011fundan- eski Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019ndaki az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n ulusal kimliklerinin evrime u\u011framas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir fakt\u00f6r oldu.[66] \u0130nsanlar art\u0131k Osmanl\u0131 de\u011fil, T\u00fcrk, Arap, Ermeni, K\u00fcrt vs. idiler. Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, eski Avusturya-Macaristan ve Osmanl\u0131 imparatorluklar\u0131ndaki bir\u00e7ok az\u0131nl\u0131k ulusal hareketlerinin geli\u015fimine tan\u0131kl\u0131k etti. Ortado\u011fu\u2019da az\u0131nl\u0131klar, da\u011f\u0131lan imparatorluklar\u0131n topraklar\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n \u00e7izilmesini gerektiren yeni devletlerin olu\u015fumundan olumsuz etkilendiler. Dinsel ve etnik az\u0131nl\u0131klar ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar ve de\u011fi\u015fik politik olu\u015fumlara ayr\u0131ld\u0131lar. Bu geli\u015fme, ulusalc\u0131 hareketlerin y\u00fckseli\u015finin arkas\u0131ndaki fakt\u00f6rlerden biriydi.[67] Bu ba\u011flamda, Nadir Entessar\u2019\u0131n vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonuca g\u00f6re, K\u00fcrt etnisitesinin politize olmas\u0131, Ortado\u011fu\u2019da modern devlet sisteminin y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle ayn\u0131 zamana denk d\u00fc\u015fmektedir.[68]\n<p>Bilim adamlar\u0131, K\u00fcrt elitinin, e\u011fitimli kentlilerin, K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fiminde oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol\u00fc vurgulamaktad\u0131rlar.[69] \u00d6mer \u015eeyhmus\u2019un ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne g\u00f6re, bu elit, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye, \u0130ran, Irak ve Suriye\u2019de, bu \u00fclkelerdeki sosyo-ekonomik de\u011fi\u015fimlerin sonucu olarak h\u0131zla geli\u015fti.[70] Entelekt\u00fcellerin ve okumu\u015f kesimin etkinli\u011fine ka\u015f\u0131n, geleneksel K\u00fcrt eliti de K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fiminde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ulusalc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin yay\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ve insanlar\u0131n ulusalc\u0131 hareketlere y\u00f6nelmesinden sorumlu olan K\u00fcrt elit yaln\u0131zca okumu\u015f ve entelekt\u00fcel kesim de\u011fildi. Geleneksel bir elit K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fiminde \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir rol oynad\u0131.[71]\n<p>Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda, baz\u0131 K\u00fcrt liderleri Ruslarla temas kurup, Rus himayesi alt\u0131nda olmas\u0131 ko\u015fuluyla ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in destek istediler. T\u00fcrkiye K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019ndan Abdurrezzak Bedirxan\u2019\u0131n \u00e7abalar\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekiciydi. Bu lider, Rus ordular\u0131n\u0131n Erzurum ve Bitlis\u2019e ilerlemelerinde K\u00fcrtler\u2019in i\u015fbirli\u011fini \u00f6nermek i\u00e7in 1916\u2019da Rusya\u2019ya gitti. Han, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Ruslar\u0131n deste\u011fini talep etti. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re, ger\u00e7ekten de Ruslar otonom bir K\u00fcrt devleti i\u00e7in s\u00f6z vermi\u015flerdi.[72] Ruslar bu s\u00f6zlerini tutmak istemi\u015f olabilirler, fakat Osmanl\u0131lar\u2019\u0131n, Persler\u2019in ve Almanlar\u2019\u0131n buna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kacaklar\u0131n\u0131 bildiklerinden, b\u00f6yle bir ad\u0131m atamad\u0131lar.[73] 1918\u2019de Mahabadl\u0131 bir a\u015firet lideri baz\u0131 Britanyal\u0131 yetkililerle Britanya himayesi alt\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devleti d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[74] Britanya, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne politik g\u00f6revliler g\u00f6ndermi\u015fti. Bunlardan biri, daha sonra Britanya\u2019n\u0131n o zamanki politikas\u0131n\u0131n K\u00fcrtlerin otonom veya ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda sorumluluk almaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmak oldu\u011funu yazacak olan C.J.Edmunds idi.[75] Di\u011fer bir g\u00f6revli, h\u00fck\u00fcmet yetkilisi Albay Arnold Wilson 1 Aral\u0131k 1918\u2019de S\u00fcleymaniye\u2019yi ziyaret ederek, K\u00fcrtler\u2019in gelece\u011fi konusunda farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen 60 kadar K\u00fcrt lideriyle g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bunlardan baz\u0131lar\u0131, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019n Irak mandal\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ayr\u0131l\u0131p do\u011frudan Londra\u2019dan y\u00f6netilmesini isterken, baz\u0131lar\u0131 da G\u00fcney K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 (daha sonra Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131) Britanya y\u00f6netimine sokmak konusunda teredd\u00fctl\u00fcyd\u00fcler. Sonunda Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 olundu\u011funda, o zaman\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc K\u00fcrt lideri olan \u015e\u00eax Mahm\u00fbd Berzenc\u00ee, K\u00fcrtlerin M\u00fcttefik Kuvvetler\u2019in sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda verdikleri s\u00f6zler uyar\u0131nca kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletlerini talep etti\u011fini vurgulad\u0131.[76]\n<p>Ger\u00e7ekten de, 7 Kas\u0131m 1918 tarihli \u0130ngiliz-Frans\u0131z ortak deklerasyonu Britanya ve Frans\u0131z h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin Do\u011fu sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131n\u0131 \u201cuzun zamand\u0131r T\u00fcrkler taraf\u0131ndan ezilen halklar\u0131n tam ve nihai \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yerli halk\u0131n inisiyatifi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcr se\u00e7iminden alan ulusal h\u00fck\u00fcmetler ve y\u00f6netimlerin kurulmas\u0131\u201d olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yordu.[77] Buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n hemen ertesinde, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir devletin in\u015fas\u0131yla K\u00fcrtlere \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinin verilmesi konusunda \u00e7ok\u00e7a konu\u015fuldu.[78] 1919 Nisan\u0131nda, \u0130stanbul\u2019daki Britanya Y\u00fcksek Komiseri, Ba\u011fdat\u2019taki Britanya temsilcilerini \u0130stanbul\u2019daki bir K\u00fcrt komitesinin K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 talebi konusunda haberdar etti.[79] 3 May\u0131s 1919\u2019da, ba\u015fka bir m\u00fcnasebetle Yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131 B\u00fcrosu, \u0130stanbul\u2019daki Y\u00fcksek Komiser\u2019den K\u00fcrtler\u2019in \u201ckendileri i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapmam\u0131\u015f olan T\u00fcrkler\u2019den sonsuza dek ayr\u0131lmak istedikleri\u201d bilgisini ald\u0131.[80] O d\u00f6nemde K\u00fcrt meselesiyle g\u00f6revlendirilen Britanyal\u0131 bir subay olan Binba\u015f\u0131 E. M. Noel, K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da \u00d6zel Bir G\u00f6revde G\u00fcnl\u00fck adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda, Van, Bitlis, Diyarbak\u0131r ve Elaz\u0131\u011f\u2019\u0131 i\u00e7erecek ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n Britanya deste\u011fiyle kurulmas\u0131 \u00f6nerisinin Albay Arnold Wilson taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[81]\n<p>\u0130ngilizler K\u00fcrt meselesiyle nas\u0131l ba\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kacaklar\u0131 konusunda b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015flerdi. Baz\u0131lar\u0131 K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikrini desteklerken, di\u011ferleri buna kar\u015f\u0131yd\u0131.[82] Buna kar\u015f\u0131n, Ekim 1918\u2019de Osmanl\u0131larla ate\u015fkes yap\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra, Britanya\u2019n\u0131n temel hesab\u0131, par\u00e7alanan Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fundan m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca fazla \u015fey elde etmek ve ayn\u0131 zamanda Osmanl\u0131lar\u0131n eski pozisyonlar\u0131na bir daha asla kavu\u015fmamalar\u0131n\u0131 temin edecek yeni bir denge sa\u011flamak oldu. Bu ama\u00e7lar\u0131na ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in, \u0130ngilizlerin Osmanl\u0131 y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131nda ya\u015fayan halklar\u0131n dostlu\u011funa veya en az\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015fmanca olmayan bir konumda olmalar\u0131na ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131. \u0130ngilizler kendilerini bir par\u00e7a ikilemin i\u00e7inde buldular.[83] Bir yandan Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun kontrol\u00fcnde ya\u015fayan halklara M\u00fcttefiklerin verdi\u011fi self-determinasyon s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc yerine getirirken, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi ya\u015famsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak zorundayd\u0131lar. B\u00f6ylece, Binba\u015f\u0131 Noel\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u0130ngilizler T\u00fcrklerin pan-islamizm propagandalar\u0131n\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtleri kendilerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7evirme \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131rmak i\u00e7in K\u00fcrtlerin deste\u011fini kazanman\u0131n yollar\u0131n\u0131 ar\u0131yordu. [84]\n<p>Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sona ermesi ve Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerine K\u00fcrtler, \u0130mparatorluk b\u00fcnyesindeki di\u011fer etno-ulusal gruplar gibi, kendilerini ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in tarihi bir f\u0131rsat\u0131n e\u015fi\u011finde buldular. Par\u00e7alanmay\u0131 A\u011fustos 1920\u2019de Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019yla sonu\u00e7lanan bar\u0131\u015f anla\u015fmalar\u0131 izledi. Bu antla\u015fman\u0131n 62, 63 ve 64. maddelerine g\u00f6re, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nda ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrtlere otonomi sa\u011flan\u0131yordu. Bu otonomi, bir y\u0131l sonra K\u00fcrtler aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lacak bir referanduma g\u00f6re ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclecekti.[85] M\u00fcttefik Kuvveler, \u00f6zellikle de B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya, Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda K\u00fcrtlerin taleplerini desteklediler. B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya, K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zerkli\u011fini veya ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 destekleyerek, pan-t\u00fcrkist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere dayanan bir devletin olu\u015fumunu engellemek amac\u0131yla, SSCB ile T\u00fcrkiye, T\u00fcrkiye ile \u0130ran Azerbaycan\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye ile Orta Asya aras\u0131nda bir tampon b\u00f6lge olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu. Bir di\u011fer ama\u00e7, kurulacak K\u00fcrt devletinin Britanya n\u00fcfuzunda olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakt\u0131. B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya sadece Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nun par\u00e7alanmas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda, daha sonra T\u00fcrkiye ad\u0131n\u0131 alacak olan anavatan\u0131 da hedefliyordu.[86] B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya, bunun yan\u0131nda, Ekim Devrimi\u2019nden sonra Ortado\u011fu \u00fczerinde muhtemel bir Sovyet n\u00fcfuzu yay\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da bast\u0131rmak istiyordu. Ruslar\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131 ihtimali, \u0130ngilizlerin Asya ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na olan ilgilerini bileyen ve 1920 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcnde Lenin\u2019in \u00f6nderli\u011finde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Do\u011fu Halklar\u0131 Bak\u00fc Kongresi\u2019yle artm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131yd\u0131.[87] Britanya\u2019n\u0131n, \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z K\u00fcrt devletinin, \u0130ngiliz \u00e7\u0131kar b\u00f6lgeleri ile Sovyetler Birli\u011fi aras\u0131nda bir tampon b\u00f6lge i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmesini ummu\u015f olmas\u0131 en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ihtimaldir.<\/p>\n<p>Fakat, Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z veya \u00f6zerk olmas\u0131yla ilgili h\u00fck\u00fcmleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi. Zaten 1921\u2019deki Londra Konferans\u0131\u2019nda, M\u00fcttefikler K\u00fcrtlere verdikleri s\u00f6zleri savsaklamaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar. M\u00fcttefiklerin tutum de\u011fi\u015ftirmesinin alt\u0131nda birka\u00e7 neden yatmaktad\u0131r. Birincisi, Mustafa Kemal \u00f6nderli\u011findeki T\u00fcrk ulusalc\u0131 hareketinin Anadolu\u2019daki K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgelerini de i\u00e7ine alarak T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019ne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi. Bu b\u00f6lgeler, Sevr\u2019de \u00fczerinde anla\u015f\u0131lan K\u00fcrt ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya \u00f6zerkli\u011fi i\u00e7in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen co\u011frafyan\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u0130kincisi, Yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131 B\u00fcrosu Ara\u015ft\u0131rma B\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc\u2019ne g\u00f6re, Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n onaylanmas\u0131n\u0131 engelleyen Atat\u00fcrk \u00f6nderli\u011findeki T\u00fcrklerin direni\u015fi s\u00f6zkonusuydu. Bunlar, 1923\u2019te Sevr\u2019in yerini alan Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131nda K\u00fcrtlerden veya Ermenilerden herhangi bir \u015fekilde bahsedilmesini de engellediler.[88] \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, bir yanda \u0130ngilizler ve Irak mandal\u0131\u011f\u0131, di\u011fer yanda T\u00fcrkiye olmak \u00fczere, neredeyse Iraq K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ine alan Musul ili (eski Osmanl\u0131\u2019da Musul Vilayeti) \u00fczerinde hak iddialar\u0131n\u0131n olmas\u0131. \u0130ngilizlerin Irak\u2019taki ve \u00f6zellikle de Musul\u2019daki petrolle ilgili \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131, Britanya\u2019y\u0131 Irak\u2019\u0131n iddialar\u0131n\u0131 desteklemeye y\u00f6neltti. \u0130ngilizler, b\u00f6ylece kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 korumay\u0131 se\u00e7tiler. K\u00fcrtler ise bu konunun ma\u011fluplar\u0131 oldular.[89] Sonuncusu, T\u00fcrk Kemalist rejimi ile Sovyet Rusya aras\u0131ndaki yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler \u0130ngilizleri olduk\u00e7a endi\u015felendiriyordu. B\u00f6ylece \u0130ngilizler, yeni Kemalist rejimle iyi ili\u015fkilerin korumak umuduyla, bir K\u00fcrt devletinin kurulmas\u0131 fikrini desteklemekten vazge\u00e7ti.[90] \u0130ngilizler, T\u00fcrklerle dostluk kurmak ya da onlar\u0131 Sovyet Rusya\u2019ya \u201cterketmek\u201d se\u00e7enekleriyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. \u0130kinci se\u00e7enek, \u0130ngilizler i\u00e7in y\u0131k\u0131m getirebilirdi. Sonu\u00e7ta \u0130ngilizler kendi startejik ve ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015f oldular.[91] <strong>Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devleti \u0130ngiliz veya Frans\u0131z \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uygun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, K\u00fcrtlere yeni devletler kabul ettirildi.<\/strong> Eski Osmanl\u0131\u2019daki K\u00fcrdistan topraklar\u0131n\u0131n geriye kalan\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kalmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, \u0130ngilizler bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131\u2019n\u0131 Irak mandal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine dahil ederken, buralar\u0131n startejik ve ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan petrole sahip K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgeleri olmas\u0131 temel kayg\u0131lar\u0131yd\u0131.[92]\n<p>Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131 14 Temmuz 1923\u2019te imzaland\u0131. Bu antla\u015fman\u0131n 5. maddesi, Turkiye\u2019deki az\u0131nl\u0131klar sorunuyla ilgiliydi ve az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini belirtiyordu.[93] Ancak, bu haklar\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fi belirlenmemi\u015f ve K\u00fcrtlerin bahsi bile edilmemi\u015fti. Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131 pratikte Sevr Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmlerini bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kartt\u0131.<\/p>\n<p><strong>M\u00fcteakip \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131l boyunca (1923-1926) K\u00fcrt sorunu, bir yanda T\u00fcrkiye, di\u011fer yanda Irak mandal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya olmak \u00fczere, taraflar aras\u0131ndaki b\u00f6lgesel bir ihtilaf konusuna ba\u011fland\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye ile Irak mandal\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131naki s\u0131n\u0131r sorunu Lozan Antla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda zaten tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye de, Irak ve B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya da Musul vilayetinin tamam\u0131n\u0131 talep ediyordu. Milletler Cemiyeti Konseyi 20 Eyl\u00fcl 1924\u2019te Musul konusunda m\u00fczakereler ba\u015flatt\u0131 ve \u00f6zel bir komisyon bu ihtilaf\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmakla g\u00f6revlendirildi. Musul vilayetinin n\u00fcfusunun \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu K\u00fcrtler olu\u015fturmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya ve T\u00fcrkiye, K\u00fcrt n\u00fcfusunun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 ve beklentilerini umursamadan iddialar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcler.[94] Komisyon, ihtilafl\u0131 b\u00f6lgede bir Irakl\u0131l\u0131k ulusal duygusu bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve K\u00fcrtlerin a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00e7imde y\u00fckselen bir ulusal bilin\u00e7 sergilediklerini rapor etti.[95] Komisyonun nihai \u00f6nerisi, Musul vilayetindeki K\u00fcrtlerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n dikkate al\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi \u015feklindeydi.[96] Ancak, en sonuna Musul vilayeti Irak mandal\u0131\u011f\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece K\u00fcrdistan T\u00fcrkiye, Irak \u0130ran, Suriye ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f oldu.[97] Yukar\u0131da say\u0131lan \u00fclkelerin hi\u00e7biri herhangi bir \u015fekilde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir K\u00fcrt devleti varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmek istemediklerinden, o g\u00fcnden sonra K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikri ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ilikten olduk\u00e7a uzak bir fikir gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeye ba\u015flad\u0131.[98]\n<p>\u00d6zetlenecek olursa, K\u00fcrt ulusalc\u0131 hareketi o zamanlarda var oldu ve \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00fc\u00e7lerin dikkatini iki nedenden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerine \u00e7ekti: ilki, Musul\u2019daki petrol varl\u0131\u011f\u0131; ikincisi, K\u00fcrtlerin de\u011fi\u015fik \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131 nedeniyle belli \u00fclkeler taraf\u0131ndan kom\u015fu \u00fclkelerin h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini zor durumda b\u0131rakmak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131labilecek olmalar\u0131 idi. Bu ba\u011flamda, K\u00fcrtler \u00f6nemli bir uluslararas\u0131 unsurdular.[99]\n<p><strong>\u0130ngilizceden \u00e7eviren: Bawer U\u00c7AMAN-Bitlisname<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>K\u00fcrtler, birka\u00e7 bin y\u0131ldan beri K\u00fcrdistan olarak tan\u0131nan etnik topraklarda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin soyu, \u00e7o\u011funlukla, ikinci bin y\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda Orta Asya\u2019dan \u0130ran platosuna gelen bir kabile olan Medler\u2019e dayand\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Medler, M.\u00d6. 550\u2019de y\u0131k\u0131lmadan \u00f6nce 612\u2019de b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline geldiler ve imparatorluklar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015f bir alana yayd\u0131lar. &nbsp; \u201cKardaka\u201d, \u201cKurti\u201d ve \u201cGuti\u201d olarak s\u00f6z edilen insanlar M.\u00d6. &hellip;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":32,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[25,299],"tags":[17],"class_list":["post-11899","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","","category-tarih","category-turkce","tag-slide"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11899","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/32"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=11899"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11899\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=11899"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=11899"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/candname.com\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=11899"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}